Eritrea | Freedom House

Freedom in the World



Freedom in the World 2002

2002 Scores


Not Free

Freedom Rating
(1 = best, 7 = worst)


Civil Liberties
(1 = best, 7 = worst)


Political Rights
(1 = best, 7 = worst)

Ratings Change: 

Eritrea's civil liberties rating declined from 5 to 6 due to government suppression of the independent media and other non-state groups.


The government of President Isaias Afwerki cracked down on growing sentiment for political pluralism in 2001. Fifteen leaders of a movement calling for greater democratic accountability were arrested in September and the small independent media sector was shut down. Students protested enforced summer work camps in the countryside. National elections due in December were postponed.

Hostilities with Ethiopia ended, at least temporarily, with the signature of a ceasefire in June 2000 after an Ethiopian advance succeeded in making significant territorial gains. The agreement provided for a United Nations-led buffer force to be installed along the Eritrean side of the contested border and for further negotiations to determine the final boundary line. The war dominated the country's political and economic agenda and reflected deeper issues of nationalism and political mobilization by a government that has long used the presence of real or perceived enemies to generate popular support and unity. The war also served as an excuse for the ruling Popular Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) to delay the development of a pluralist political system.

In 1950, after years of Italian occupation, Eritrea was incorporated into Ethiopia. Eritrea's independence struggle began in 1962 as a nationalist and Marxist guerrilla war against the Ethiopian government of Emperor Haile Selassie. The seizure of power by a Marxist junta in Ethiopia in 1974 removed the ideological basis of the conflict, and by the time Eritrea finally defeated Ethiopia's northern armies in 1991, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) had discarded Marxism. Internationally recognized independence was achieved in May 1993 after a referendum supervised by the UN produced a landslide vote for statehood.

The war with Ethiopia began in 1998. In May 2000 an Ethiopian military offensive succeeded in making significant territorial gains. Eritrea signed a truce with Ethiopia in June 2000 and a peace treaty in December 2000. A UN peacekeeping force is presently monitoring a 25-kilometer (15-mile) wide Temporary Security Zone (TSZ), a demilitarized buffer zone between the two armies.

Since 1993, Eritrea has engaged in hostilities with Sudan, Yemen, and in 1998, Ethiopia. It has also had strained relations with Djibouti. A constitution was adopted in May 1997, but many of its provisions have yet to be implemented. For example, national elections have yet to take place. Eritrea's proclivity to settle disputes by the force of arms and its continued tight government control over the country's political life have dashed hopes, raised by President Isaias Afwerki's membership in a group of "new African leaders," who promised more open governance and a break with Africa's recent tradition of autocratic rule.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties: 

Eritrea has yet to create the framework for a democratic political system. Created in February 1994 as a successor to the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), the Popular Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) maintains a dominance over the country's political and economic life that is unlikely to change in the near-to-medium-term future. Fifteen senior members of the PFDJ were imprisoned in September for making public calls for greater accountability and adherence to democratic principles by the country's leaders, including the President. National elections were scheduled for December, but implementing legislation had yet to be passed.

In 1994, a 50-member constitutional commission was established. In 1997 a new constitution authorizing "conditional" political pluralism with provisions for a multiparty system was adopted. The constitution provides for the election of the president from among the members of the national assembly by a vote of the majority of its members. The term of office is five years, for a maximum of two terms. The appointed national assembly is made up of 75 members of the PFDJ central committee, 60 members of the former Constituent Assembly, and 15 representatives of Eritreans residing abroad.

In 2000 the national assembly determined that the first elections would be held in December 2001 and appointed a committee that issued draft regulations governing political parties. These draft regulations remain under consideration; thus, independent political parties authorized by the constitution are not yet registered. In theory, polls were supposed to have been held in 1998, but they were postponed indefinitely following the outbreak of hostilities with Ethiopia.

Eritrea's political culture places priority on group interests over those of the individual. This view has been forged in part by years of struggle against outside occupiers and an austere attachment to Marxist principles. Eritrea's aggressive foreign policy has contributed significantly to regional instability and to a sense of victimization among Eritreans, which in turn has afforded a rationale for continued strong central government control.

The new constitution's guarantees of civil and political liberties are unrealized as pluralistic media and rights to political organization continue to be absent. A judiciary was formed by decree in 1993 and has yet to adopt positions that are significantly at variance with government perspectives. A low level of training and resources limits the courts' efficiency. Constitutional guarantees are often ignored in cases relating to state security. While free discussion in public forums may be tolerated, the dissemination of dissenting views is not. Government control over all broadcasting and pressures against the independent print media have constrained public debate. A 1997 press law allows only qualified freedom of expression, subject to the official interpretation of "the objective reality of Eritrea."

The government has maintained a hostile attitude towards civil society and has refused international assistance designed to support the development of pluralism in society. The government controls most elements of civil life, either directly or through affiliated organizations. The September 2001 "suspension" of the small but energetic independent media and the absence of nongovernmental human rights organizations in turn have a dissuasive effect upon the potential development of other civil society groups. Official government policy is supportive of free enterprise, and citizens generally have the freedom to choose their employment, establish private businesses, and function relatively free of government harassment. Until recently, at least, government officials have enjoyed a reputation for relative probity.

The government finally adhered to the Geneva Convention in July 2000, permitting some independent monitoring of conditions in detention facilities and granting representatives of the International Committee for the Red Cross broad access to prisoners and detainees. Arbitrary arrest and detention are problems. The provision of speedy trials is limited by a lack of trained personnel, inadequate funding, and poor infrastructure, and the use of a special court system limits due process.

Women played important roles in the guerilla movement, and the government has worked in favor of improving the status of women. In an effort to encourage broader participation by women in politics, the PFDJ named 3 women to the party's executive council and 12 women to the central committee in 1997. Women participated in the constitutional commission (filling almost half of the positions on the 50-person committee) and hold senior government positions, including the positions of minister of justice and minister of labor.

Equal educational opportunity, equal pay for equal work, and penalties for domestic violence have been codified, yet traditional societal discrimination persists against women in the largely rural and agricultural country. In general religious freedom is observed although Jehovah's Witnesses face some societal discrimination.