What the Trump Administration Should Tell the Saudi Crown Prince

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s trip to Washington this week marks his first visit to the United States since the gruesome murder of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi seven years ago. In October 2018, Khashoggi, a US-based journalist and critic of Saudi Arabia’s government, was dismembered inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul—a brazen extraterritorial assassination that US and foreign intelligence agencies have attributed directly to bin Salman.

Khashoggi’s murder was swiftly condemned by democratic governments around the world. While President Donald Trump, then in his first term, called the killing “terrible” and “the worst cover-up in history,” he later acknowledged working to shield bin Salman from congressional efforts to reevaluate US–Saudi ties in its aftermath. President Joe Biden, despite pledging during his campaign to treat Saudi Arabia as a “pariah,” visited Jeddah in July 2022 to meet with bin Salman, illustrating the persistent gap between US rhetoric on human rights and the demands of bilateral engagement.

Seven years on, despite bin Salman’s efforts to present himself as a modernizing reformer—including spending billions of dollars on global public relations campaigns and investments designed to cultivate influence in Western capitals—the reality tells a different story. Saudi Arabia continues to target dissidents beyond its borders, domestic repression has intensified, and bin Salman has faced no meaningful accountability. As the crown prince arrives seeking closer economic and security cooperation with the United States, Tuesday’s Oval Office meeting offers President Trump a moment to confront some of the regime’s abuses head-on.

A continuing crackdown on dissent at home and abroad

Despite pouring billions into polishing his global image—including through projects like the regime-funded LIV Golf league and headline-grabbing spectacles such as the recent Riyadh Comedy Festival—bin Salman has intensified repression at home and continued efforts to silence critics abroad.

Saudi Arabia remains one of the most repressive states in the world. No national-level officials are elected, and peaceful activism, association, and expression are routinely prosecuted under vaguely worded laws. Bin Salman has loosened some social restrictions—women can drive, cinemas are open—but Saudi Arabia’s absolute monarchy continues to restrict almost all political rights and civil liberties. Despite some releases earlier this year, human rights groups estimate there are hundreds, if not thousands, of political prisoners in Saudi Arabia, including women’s rights activists, journalists, writers, and social media users. Among them are figures like Nourah al-Qahtani, condemned to 35 years in prison followed by a 35-year travel ban for nonviolent online expression, and Ahmed al-Doush, a British national sentenced to 10 years in prison over political commentary he posted on social media in 2018. (His sentence was reduced to 8 years on appeal in June.) Many, upon release, face strict travel bans, like Loujain al-Hathloul, who helped lead the campaign to legalize driving for Saudi women. After two years’ imprisonment she is still barred from leaving Saudi Arabia, even though her court-ordered travel ban expired two years ago.

Meanwhile, the regime has sharply increased its use of executions since bin Salman’s father came to power in 2015, and since bin Salman was appointed crown prince in 2017. Most executions are for nonlethal offenses and, in some cases, have been handed down for acts committed while under the age of 18. According to the nonprofit organization Reprieve, before 2015, Saudi authorities executed 71 people per year on average. In comparison, authorities carried out 345 executions last year, and the number of executions had already reached 302 by the end of October 2025.

The use of the death penalty for crimes committed by minors deserves particular attention. On October 20, Saudi authorities executed Abdullah al-Derazi, who was sentenced to death on terrorism charges stemming from his participation in antigovernment protests when he was 17 years old. Jalal Labbad was executed by authorities on August 21, also for actions taken when he was a minor including attending antigovernment protests and funeral services for individuals killed by security forces. Neither had access to a fair trial or due process; and both were denied legal representation, subjected to torture in custody, and convicted in proceedings that fell far short of international standards.

Saudi repression also reaches beyond the kingdom itself. The Saudi government’s transnational repression campaign is extensive, featuring family intimidation, detentions, assaults, renditions and the use of commercial spyware against exiles in the Middle East, North America, Europe, and Asia. Since Khashoggi’s murder in 2018, Freedom House has documented 6 additional physical incidents of Saudi transnational repression through 2024, bringing the number of recorded incidents to 19 since 2014. These incidents have taken place in 12 different countries, reflecting the regime’s global effort to silence those who speak out against it.

A moment of leverage for President Trump

Ahead of Tuesday’s meeting at the Oval Office, President Trump has the upper hand in US-Saudi Arabia bilateral relations. Bin Salman is coming to Washington in search of closer economic and security cooperation with the United States. The United States remains Saudi Arabia’s primary security partner—providing advanced military equipment, training, intelligence sharing, and missile-defense systems—which not only bolster the kingdom’s capabilities but also help protect US personnel, assets, and strategic interests in the region. We have already seen this administration act decisively to secure the release of political prisoners and US nationals in Belarus, Venezuela, and Iraq. Seeking modest concessions from Saudi authorities to improve their abysmal human rights record should likewise be on the table.

As the administration pursues closer ties with Riyadh, President Trump has an opportunity to convey a simple truth: the United States expects measurable progress on human rights in exchange for the deeper cooperation that bin Salman seeks. This approach was recently described by Secretary of State Marco Rubio as “mature foreign policy,” or the ability to raise concerns while exploring areas of partnership. The following steps by the Saudi regime would demonstrate that commitment.

• Immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners, including peaceful dissidents, journalists, and activists.

• Lift arbitrary travel bans on human rights defenders, bloggers, and others, including those imposed on US citizens.

• Halt executions for nonlethal offenses and impose a moratorium on the death penalty for crimes committed by minors.

• End the regime’s campaign of transnational repression, including the use of commercial spyware, family coercion, detentions, and renditions targeting dissidents abroad.

• Repeal or significantly amend laws to ensure that they do not criminalize peaceful criticism of government policies, practices, or officials, and that all forms of protected speech are upheld.

Being honest with your friends can be uncomfortable, but it is also the truest measure of principled leadership. Seven years after Jamal Khashoggi’s murder, the absence of accountability remains a stain on US–Saudi relations. President Trump now has the opportunity to make clear that closer cooperation must rest on respect for basic rights.