The prime minister, who serves as the head of government, is elected by the National Parliament. Irregularities are frequent in the run-up to prime ministerial elections, known as “second elections.” Leading contenders usually separate into camps in Honiara’s major hotels and seek the support of other members of Parliament (MPs) with promises of cash or ministerial portfolios.

Following April 2019 elections, Manasseh Sogavare won a fourth nonconsecutive term as prime minister. Solomon Islands Democratic Party (SIDP) leader Matthew Wale attempted to stop Sogavare’s selection, saying that Sogavare relaunched the Ownership, Unity, and Responsibility Party (Our Party) too late to abide by a law requiring prime ministerial candidates to maintain party membership; Sogavare was previously aligned with the SIDP before moving to Our Party after the election was held. Sogavare was ruled eligible in late April, while the High Court rejected Wale’s legal petition against Sogavare that May.

The National Parliament selects a governor general to represent the British monarch as head of state for five-year terms. The governor general appoints cabinet members on the advice of the prime minister. David Vunagi, a retired Anglican bishop, began serving in that post in July 2019.

The 50 members of the National Parliament are directly elected in single-seat constituencies by a simple majority vote to serve four-year terms. In the April 2019 elections, the SIDP and the Kadere Party each won 8 seats, while independents won another 21. Another six parties won the remainder. Days after the polls, support among MPs shifted to Our Party, which formed a governing coalition with Kadere, the Democratic Alliance, and the Solomon Islands People First Party.

Commonwealth observers commended the poll’s conduct but called for improvements in the voter registration process along with expanded early voting options for individuals living overseas and for essential service personnel.

The legal framework generally provides for democratic elections. The electoral rolls have been improved since the 2013 introduction of a biometric voter registration system. Nevertheless, the Solomon Islands Electoral Commission (SIEC) found 4,000 instances of multiple voter registration during the 2018–19 registration period. The SIEC reported its findings to the police but noted that many of these incidents would likely go uninvestigated for a lack of resources.

There are no restrictions on the right to organize political parties, but political alliances are driven more by personal ties and local allegiances than formal policy positions or ideology. Party affiliations shift frequently, often as part of efforts to dislodge incumbent governments. MPs shifted to Our Party days after the April 2019 polls were held and defections continued in 2019 and 2020. In September 2019, several Kadere MPs defected to Our Party. In June 2020, a SIDP MP defected to Our Party.

The 2014 Political Parties Integrity Act was meant to encourage a stronger party system through more formalized registration mechanisms. Many formerly party-aligned legislators stood as independents in the 2014 and 2019 elections, calculating that doing so left them with greater flexibility under the legislation. Of the 333 candidates who took part in the April 2019 elections, 170 ran as party candidates, while another 163 ran as independents.

Opposition parties and candidates may campaign freely, and power shifts frequently between rival groups. Since 1978, three governments have been ousted in opposition-led no-confidence votes, and prime ministers have resigned to fend off no-confidence challenges on two occasions. No incumbent premier has been able to win reelection, although both Sogavare and former prime minister Solomon Mamaloni were repeatedly able to return to that post after a period in opposition.

People’s political choices are generally unconstrained, though church and tribal leaders exert strong influence in some areas. On the island of New Georgia, the Christian Fellowship Church has secured reelection of its candidate, Job Dudley Tausinga, since 1984. Tausinga lost his seat in 2014 as the church faced a reported internal schism.

China has sought to deepen ties with the Solomon Islands, and won the government’s diplomatic recognition in 2019. Concerns over Chinese activity persisted in 2020. In February, a $100 billion loan proposal from Chinese creditors leaked to the public. Observers objected to the proposal, calling it unrealistic. In September, Malaita Province premier Suidani cited a COVID-19 repatriation flight that mostly carried Chinese passengers and the national government’s relationship with China when announcing his intentions to hold an independence referendum for the province. The national government objected to the plan, calling it illegal.

Women and ethnic minorities enjoy full political rights under the law, but discrimination limits political opportunities for women in practice. While lawmakers have voiced support for increasing women’s participation in the National Parliament, including by reserving seats, only four women held seats at the end of 2020.

Solomon Islands governments have generally been able to determine national policy without outside interference, but the country’s fractious politics hamper efficient policymaking. Prime ministers have struggled to sustain legislative majorities, and cabinet splits are frequent. Ministries are often run as ministers’ personal fiefdoms, lacking accountability to the prime minister.

Prime ministers can consequently face significant difficulty when enacting policy choices, with decisions prompting fights for political survival. Sogavare’s decision to switch diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to China in 2019 temporarily destabilized his government, with a group of pro-Taiwan MPs—including planning minister and former prime minister Rick “Hou” Houenipwela—being dismissed from cabinet after they abstained from a vote on the matter.

The COVID-19 pandemic impacted representatives’ ability to determine policy; budget reviews were disrupted when the parliament was suspended in April, lessening legislative oversight on spending decisions.

Corruption and abuse of office are serious problems. The previous Sogavare government struggled to win support for anticorruption legislation in 2016 and 2017, largely due to resistance from within the cabinet. In 2018, the Hou government secured passage of the Anti-Corruption Act, which establishes an independent anticorruption commission, and the Whistleblowers Protection Act. Some opposition MPs considered the laws, which allowed the use of local custom as a defense in corruption cases and restricted retroactive application, watered down.

Under both the Sogavare and Hou governments, a number of senior officials were investigated or arrested on corruption charges due to the efforts of Task Force Janus, a joint anticorruption initiative between the police force and the Finance Ministry. However, prosecutors have had difficulty winning convictions against politicians accused of corruption. Task Force Janus operations continued in 2020, with an Agriculture Ministry accountant facing corruption charges in September after the task force investigated his activities.

Successive governments have not operated transparently. State dealings with foreign logging companies and mining companies are not open to scrutiny. There is no law stipulating a formal process by which the public may request official information.

Commonwealth observers who monitored the April 2019 elections voiced concern over the possible misuse of the public Rural Constituency Development Fund (RCDF) ahead of the campaign; in late 2018, each MP received funds from the RCDF, which were allegedly used for campaigning purposes. Despite these concerns, efforts to improve accountability for funds spent by MPs in their constituencies have been unsuccessful.

In August 2020, the existence a discretionary fund controlled by Sogavare and funded by China was made public. Previous governments have been accused of benefiting from Taiwan-funded discretionary vehicles.

Freedom of the press is usually respected. While politicians and elites sometimes use legal and extralegal means to intimidate journalists, such incidents have been relatively rare in recent years. There are several print newspapers. The government operates a national radio station, and subnational and private radio stations are also available. Subscription television services offer some local content in addition to foreign broadcasts.

In 2018, the Solomon Islands adopted the Whistleblowers Protection Act, which was expected to facilitate journalistic efforts to report on political corruption. In 2019, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) criticized the use of defamation laws, warning that they intimidated journalists and encouraged self-censorship. In May 2020, Solomon Islands police disclosed they were investigating commentator Wendy Amangongo, who wrote several critical articles over the Solomon Islands–China diplomatic relationship, for allegedly breaching emergency measures.

Freedom of religion is generally respected. Registration requirements for religious groups are not onerous, and religious education is not mandatory.

Academic freedom is generally respected.

While social taboos persist regarding the open discussion of topics including domestic violence, rape, and child abuse, individuals have historically been free to express their views on politics and other sensitive matters.

However, in November 2020, the government began considering a ban on Facebook, citing concerns including “abusive language.” Amnesty International denounced the proposal, which was also criticized by the Chamber of Commerce, government MPs, and members of the opposition. The potential ban remained under consideration at year’s end.

Freedom of assembly is constitutionally guaranteed and generally upheld. However, peaceful demonstrations can give way to civil unrest, particularly during contentious parliamentary debates, elections, or large-scale labor actions.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) often operate informally and the government is not always receptive to the viewpoints of governance-focused groups. Locally based NGOs often lack resources and reportedly grow dependent on the funds and priorities of international donors. Nevertheless, there are no major constraints on NGO activities in the Solomon Islands.

Workers are free to organize, and strikes are permitted with certain restrictions. Laws against antiunion discrimination by employers are reportedly ineffective. The country’s main labor union, the Solomon Islands National Union of Workers, was disbanded by court order in 2013 after lengthy litigation over an illegal strike by plantation workers. However, labor activists registered a new entity, the Workers Union of Solomon Islands, in 2014.

In November 2020, the government suspended the country’s nurses’ association for launching an unapproved strike in October. Participants alleged they did not receive COVID-19-related allowances.

The judiciary has a reputation for independence, though a severe lack of resources has contributed to case backlogs. Judges are appointed by the governor general on the advice of an impartial Judicial and Legal Service Commission. The Court of Appeal is mainly reliant on foreign judges.

Limited resources and capacity restraints are responsible for somewhat common due-process deficiencies. Half of the country’s prison inmates are on remand awaiting trial due to case backlogs. Due-process deficiencies also marred the country’s COVID-19 response; in April 2020, the chief magistrate released 58 people accused of violating pandemic-related curfew measures that month for want of official charges against them.

There are few major threats to physical security, though crime remains a problem in some areas. While the country has a history of internal conflict, the threat has subsided over the past two decades, thanks in large part to security aid from international partners.

Rebuilding the police force, which was disarmed in 2003, was the major focus of the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI), which launched that year. Nearly all Royal Solomon Islands Police Force (RSIPF) officers resigned, retired, or been dismissed since 2003. An extensive training program has since created a force with younger members and with better geographic and gender balance. In 2016, RAMSI undertook a limited rearmament of the police force. RAMSI concluded in 2017, but a residual Australian advisory program continues, while Australia and New Zealand have bilaterally extended RAMSI programs. Mostyn Mangau became the first locally appointed police commissioner in 19 years when he was sworn in in July 2020.

The constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, place of origin, sex, and some other categories, but the legal framework does not provide robust protections. De facto discrimination limits economic opportunities for women. Same-sex sexual activity can be punished with up to 14 years’ imprisonment. While cases are reportedly rare, the government has resisted international pressure to decriminalize such activity.

Discrimination based on regional differences also remains a factor. The Guadalcanal Plains Palm Oil Ltd. (GPPOL) operation on northern Guadalcanal, one of the country’s biggest employers, avoids employing laborers from Malaita, even on a casual basis, for fear of antagonizing local communities.

Ethnic Chinese residents have also faced discrimination; businesses and buildings owned or operated by ethnic Chinese were targeted during the unrest following Sogavare’s appointment in 2019. The Malaita provincial government has also terminated licenses for businesses owned and operated by ethnic Chinese. Malaita premier Suidani, meanwhile, has publicly referred to the novel coronavirus as the “Wuhan virus.”

Residents generally enjoy freedom of movement, but some impediments exist, particularly in parts of rural Guadalcanal where people from the island of Malaita were expelled during the unrest in 1999–2000. Hostility to Malaitan settlement persists in parts of Western Province.

The legal and regulatory framework largely supports property ownership and private business activity. However, property rights are frequently contested. GPPOL administrative buildings have been attacked in the past. Logging concessions have been disputed by local groups, as have tourism operations.

In December 2020, Prime Minister Sogavare voiced his intention to restrict the sale of land to foreign buyers and bolster indigenous land rights via constitutional amendments.

Individual freedoms on personal status issues such as marriage and divorce are generally protected. However, the legal age of marriage is 15, and about a fifth of women are married by age 18. Despite the 2014 Family Protection Act, which formally criminalized domestic violence and enabled victims to apply for protection orders, domestic violence and rape are serious and underreported problems. Victims are reluctant to take their cases to court.

Legal protections against exploitative working conditions are not consistently enforced, though authorities have made efforts to update and implement laws against human trafficking in recent years. Local and foreign women and children are vulnerable to sex trafficking and domestic servitude, including through forced marriages or “adoptions” to pay off debts. Migrant workers sometimes face forced labor in the mining, logging, and fishing industries.